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What Drives Russia’s Anti-American Campaigns? What Does Russia Want?

November 12, 2019 3:46 PM | Anonymous

“It's A Secret…We’ll Definitely Intervene…Don’t Tell Anyone”.…said Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin when asked by NBC News’ Keir Simmons, at a policy forum in Moscow on 1 October 2019, if Russia would interfere in the November 2020 US elections. There was much laughter from the Russian audience attending the forum, and the atmosphere was one of levity. Mr. Putin’s cyber and disinformation campaigns directed against the United States, according to American intelligence agencies, reflect much more than only his apparent anger at American sanctions imposed after Russian seizure of Crimea in 2014 and the ongoing Russian backed military incursion in eastern Ukraine. Russians resent being relegated as a ‘regional power’ by the West, especially the United States. For the last half of the 20th Century up to 1991, the Russian-directed Soviet Union was co-equal to the United States as a super power. Russians including Mr. Putin cheer the ‘resurgence’ of Russia on the world scene since 2014 in particular. But as Russians view their history and experiences over the long term, this ‘resurgence’ is really only a first step in securing the defense and protection of Russian society. In all probability, Russian leaders who follow Mr. Putin will continue and possibly expand on the current anti-American campaigns. Why do Russians think they have to defend themselves against what they call an aggressive America? Attempts to interfere in American presidential elections are not new but never as intense.

Russian society developed first in what is now Ukraine and later the principality of Moscow. Centered on a vast flat plain, surrounded by neither mountains nor oceans, Russia was easily invaded. From Teutonic Knight and later Polish attacks from the West to the Mongol conquest from the East, Russians have seen themselves as a perennial target. Invasions are successful when Russia has internal political division; national security demands strong central government. Over time, Russian experience shows that the best defense of the Russian ‘Motherland’ is by having protective 'buffer' areas outside of Russia; better to fight invasion on someone else's real estate than in Russia itself if possible. Events of the last century reinforce the point, and the 21st century continues in the same mold. The world wars and the Western, especially American, hostility toward the Soviet Union and its determination to enact a buffer zone after 1945 are additional proof. American and Soviet/Russian historians view the post 1945 period differently.

During the Soviet/Bolshevik/Communist period (1917 to 1991) Soviet historians viewed the West in general and the United States in particular as their main enemy because of the Bolshevik revolution. Western nations including the United States sent troops into Russia in 1918, even before the end of the first world war, joining and supporting the anti-Bolshevik armies that ultimately lost in the civil war that followed the 1917 revolutions. While American historians view the post-World War II Cold War as having started in 1945, Soviet and many current Russian historians view the Cold War starting in 1918 and becoming generally more intense after 1945. The end of the Soviet Union in 1991 effectively ended the Cold War…thought the Russians. This did not last.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, Soviet and American leaders agreed verbally that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) originally founded in 1949 to protect the West against possible Soviet attack would not expand into Eastern Europe. The Soviets on their part would not object to the reunification of Germany. When in the mid 1990’s Eastern European countries that had been members of the Warsaw Pact (the Soviet answer to NATO) joined NATO Russia shouted ‘betrayal!’ The shouting grew much louder when former Soviet republics joined NATO soon after. The United States, so it appeared to Russians, was re-starting the Cold War. After Russia seized the Crimean peninsula from Ukraine in 2014, and soon after sent military forces into portions of eastern Ukraine, the West including the United States responded with protests and economic sanctions. Russians saw this as an attempt to prevent Russia from re-establishing its great power status. The Cold War was back.

In May 2019, a symposium at the Russian Institute of USA and Canada in Moscow (www.iskran.ru), the premier Russian 'think tank' analyzing America, titled ‘US-Russia and the problems of a polycentric world’ had as its plenary session a panel on 'How Long will the New Cold War Last?’. An earlier paper by the Institute Director Valerii Garbuzov speculated that

“…the desire of today’s Russia…to determine its role in the world…[is]perceived by the United States as a threat…to their global domination…[which] led to a long-term course to contain Russia by all available means…” <www.ng.ru/courier/2019-05-19/9_7576_usa.html>. [accessed 24 September 2019]

Facing a superpower with almost unlimited military capability, Russian resistance options were and are limited but certainly clever. Creating a ‘dis’-United States that would be less able to maintain its foreign policy aims became a new focus. Current Russian leaders relied on considerable experience in creating what is called disinformation going back well into Tsarist times and updated with the latest technology, Russia launched a number of disinformation campaigns, hacking of American political institutions, attempting to break into American voting systems, all ways to undermine and thereby block the growing threat from the United States

To what extent the articles and conferences held by these Russian institutes on foreign policy reflect the thinking of President Putin can only be surmised. The recently created (2011) Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC); www.russiancouncil.ru/en/ , chartered personally by Putin in 2011, no doubt serves that purpose. That the RIAC website operates in English as well as Russian suggests it is a vehicle for communicating Putin’s thinking to the West and in particular to the United States. The much older and apparently more independent ISKRAN at the least does not disagree with Putin; articles and presentations make the same points as the RIAC however. American resistance to the emergence of Russia as a world power is a major topic of conversation there too.

A few recent articles posted on both RIAC and ISKRAN show a changing analysis of US-Russian relations. These look at the ongoing expansionist drive of the United States as having started much earlier than 1918. The United States has been a growing expansionist nation since early American colonial times. America, they argue, is and always has been working to establish global hegemony (the US is often described in Russian academic articles as 'the great hegemon') and the Cold War was simply a phase in that American drive for global mastery. These scholars argue the Cold War did not end with the collapse of Soviet Union in 1991. Current US policy toward Russia is a phase in American expansionism. This interpretation does not seem to be the view of most Russian analysts at this time.

Russians see a (mostly) unfriendly world out there. The current main challenge to Russian society, they think, comes from America, viewed a ‘hegemonic’ power, seeking to be the only global super power. The probability is that as long as Russians feel threatened, their attacks on the United States will continue, well after current leaders pass from the scene. Americans should expect much more, and more sophisticated, disinformation campaigns, including conspiracy theories that are targeted to specific audiences, especially focusing on how this or that group in the United States has unfair advantages, using up to date cyber technology. and indirect and direct election ‘meddling’ including attempted hacking of voting systems, into the future. These campaigns will continue at least until Russians feel ‘accepted’ again as a ‘Great Power’ which could only happen if the US removes its sanctions and stops objecting to Russian policy in Crimea and Ukraine. Disinformation campaigns could continue longer if the idea that the US has always been an expansionist power gains wide acceptance in the Russian foreign policy analyst community.

Why Russians think their disinformation campaigns will work and how they design them the way they--and also some predictions about what to expect in the future--comes from the unique history and culture of Russia. This will be the subject of my next blog post.

Jim Hill completed graduate work at UC Riverside and Claremont Graduate University, majoring in modern European history, within that focusing on Russian/Soviet history and thought. A former high school and university instructor, he continues to present regularly about Russian views of the Cold War. He was interviewed by the then US representative of Pravda and whose work has been discussed by David Shipler, formerly of the New York Times. Most recently Jim presented at a National Endowment for the Humanities national two week institute about the Cold War held on the USS Midway in San Diego. His presentations are well received and unusual.

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